Marx and Engels succeeded not only in holding the International together, but through their consistent work, the International managed to sink roots in a whole number of countries. Despite the inevitable ups and downs of the movement, their work in these years laid the basis for the future growth of socialist ideas in the mass ranks of the Socialist (Second) International founded in 1889. In the meantime, the First International made a considerable impact on a wide layer of workers in Britain during its brief lifespan, as the minutes of the General Council of the IWMA bear witness.
On 21 February 1865, a letter from the bricklayers’ union was read to the General Council in which they expressed the desire to join the International. On 28 March 1865, a deputation of the General Council reported on its visit to the shoemakers’ union conference, which passed a resolution agreeing with the principles of the International Working Men’s Association and pledged to “endeavour to spread its liberal and glorious ideas among our constituents.” On 1 April 1865, the Carpenters’ Union of Chelsea asked that deputies be sent to explain the principles of the International Association. John Weston, a member of the General Council, also reported on their delegation to the Miners’ Union. On 3 April 1866, the Executive Committee of the British Tailors’ Union “expressed kind feelings toward the Association and a promise to join it.” At that time the General Council also heard a communication that the Ribbon and Small Wares Weavers of Coventry wished to join the IWMA.
On 10 April 1866, “the President reported that the West End Bootmakers’ Society had granted one pound for the use of the Council and that they had proposed Citizen Odger as a delegate to the Congress.” On 17 April the Tailors’ Association was accepted as a branch of the International Working Men’s Association. Also it was reported that Weston and Jung had been delegated to attend the meeting of the Plasterers’ Committee. On May Day 1866, Hermann Jung, the Swiss representative, reported on his and Paul Lafargue’s visit to the local branch of the Operative Bricklayers. They had been most enthusiastically received and were given promises of support. On 15 May the Darlington section of the Amalgamated Tailors’ Union was admitted to the International. On 17 July a communication was read saying that the Hand-in-Hand Society of Coopers, who had agreed to join the International, levied each member one shilling for the expenses of the Congress in Geneva. At this same meeting, it was reported that a deputation had visited a meeting of cabinet-makers from the International. It had been agreed that they would also levy one pound for Congress expenses. On 17 August, a report was made that the London Society of Compositors had elected their secretary to the Geneva Congress of the IWMA. On the other hand, the Amalgamated Engineers’ Society declined the proposal to send a delegate to the Congress and refused to give permission for a deputation to visit its branches.[4]
On studying the minutes of the IWMA one can see that Marx played a leading day-to-day role in the General Council, outlining the class issues that faced the International at each stage. Despite its mixed composition, Marx also skilfully explained the ideas of socialism at every suitable occasion, without in any way artificially imposing his ideas. At one point, however, a formal debate was held at a General Council meeting in June 1865 around the economic arguments put forward by John Weston, a supporter of Owenite socialism. He maintained that higher wages were illusory and that the trade unions activity was pointless, even harmful! Marx countered Weston’s economic views, and explained in a simple form his labour theory of value. At the same time, Marx took up the arguments of Proudhon and Lassalle, who played down the importance of economic struggle of the working class. Marx resolutely defended the role and significance of the trade unions but stressed the importance of linking their economic struggles to the ultimate aim of the proletariat – abolition of wage slavery itself. In these discussions Marx attempted to demonstrate through facts, figures and arguments the superiority of his method and analysis, which served to raise the political level of the members of the General Council, and through them the most advanced sections of the working class movement. Marx’s two lectures were later transcribed and produced as the classic pamphlet Wages, Price and Profit.
The majority of British trade unions represented on the General Council did not, however, concern themselves too much with such “highbrow” arguments. The union leaders, Cremer, Applegarth, Weston, Lucraft, and Odger, tended to look upon the First International as a body that could serve practical aims, namely solidarity – especially against the threat of international strike-breaking. Despite these limits, the British trade union leaders did play an active role in the General Council, with George Odger becoming its first President. At the Trades Union Congress held in Birmingham in 1869, Cremer even moved a successful resolution urging British unions to affiliate to the International.
“As the International Working Men’s Association endeavours to consolidate and extend the interests of the toiling masses, which are everywhere identical,” stated the resolution, “this Congress heartily recommends the Association to the support of the workingmen of the United Kingdom, especially of all organised bodies, and strongly urges them to become affiliated to that body believing that the realisation of its principles would also conclude lasting peace between the nations of the earth.”
While the efforts of the British trade unionists certainly strengthened the First International, their narrow craft outlook would later bring them into conflict with those wanting to broaden the movement. Marx was always pushing at the boundaries, seeking to raise the consciousness of those involved. In a resolution to the Geneva conference, he outlined the fundamental role of the trade unions in linking up the day-to-day tasks with the need to transform society:
In addition to their original tasks, the trade unions must now learn how to act consciously as focal points for organising the working class in the greater interests of its complete emancipation. They must support every social and political movement directed towards this aim. By considering themselves champions and representatives of the whole working class, and acting accordingly, the trade unions must succeed in rallying round themselves all workers still outside their ranks. They must carefully safeguard the interests of the workers in the poorest-paid trades, as, for example, the farm labourers, who due to especially unfavourable circumstances have been deprived of their power of resistance. They must convince the whole world that their efforts are far from narrow and egotistic, but on the contrary, are directed towards the emancipation of the down-trodden masses.[5]
Throughout its brief history, the bourgeoisie internationally regarded the IWMA with complete horror. Lord Aberdare, the Home Secretary, was constantly pressed to ban the International and arrest Marx as “menaces to life and property”. Under the influence of the International, the British trade unions demonstrated their solid support for the North in the American Civil War, despite the cotton famine resulting from the Northern blockade. The struggles of Poland and Italy for self-determination were also heartily supported. The revolutionary events of the Paris Commune, and Marx’s robust defence of the heroic Communards, however, proved a bit too much for the British trade union leaders to swallow. After the defeat of the Commune in the summer of 1871, the trade union leaders separated themselves from the International. These leaders were prepared to collaborate on basic trade union issues, but recoiled at the very thought of defending the revolutionaries of Paris! They were more concerned with protecting their new respectable image, and not offending the British Establishment, than lending their support to foreign revolutionaries. On such a fundamental question Marx was not prepared to bend. Marx resolutely stood by the Communards and showed nothing but contempt towards those who turned their backs on those most in need.