Despite the “strike free” sermons of Sir Ken Jackson, the so-called age of industrial harmony between the classes was at an end. By 2002, strikes had grown to their highest level for more than a decade and the trend was upwards: “Last year we had the highest number of strikes for twelve years. There is a change in mood in the unions”, stated Ruth Lea, head of policy at the Institute of Directors.[1] Strikes took place on London Underground, amongst teachers, local government workers, hospital workers, steel workers, dockers, call centre staff, the postal workers, museum staff, engineering workers and other sections. In addition, there were hundreds of small short-lived disputes that were never officially recorded. These profound changes in the trade unions, in the working class and within society as a whole, were a decisive refutation to all those who were misled by the prolonged domination of the right wing into writing off the fighting potential of organised labour.
The one million-strong council workers’ strike in the summer of 2002 was the biggest strike of women workers in British history. According to Dave Prentis, Unison general secretary, it was the biggest stoppage in the country since the General Strike of 1926. In September of that year, a survey of 240 companies and unions echoed the belief that “strikes and other forms of industrial action are set to increase.” Another poll indicated that 48 per cent of employers believed they would face a strike ballot over the following year. The days of workplace servility had finally come to an end.
Anthony King in The Economist predicted gloomily:
Tony Blair in 2003 will endure his most uncomfortable year in power so far. The shine has long since gone off his administration. In 2003 the paintwork itself will begin to crack and peel. The British economy will falter, but that will be the least of Mr Blair’s worries…[2]
Increasing militancy is certainly becoming a characteristic of the new period. This was graphically illustrated in the firefighters’ dispute. Although the FBU was traditionally a non-militant union, nine to one voted in a ballot to pursue a 40 per cent pay rise. This was indicative of a sea change in this section of workers. The series of strikes that took place at the end of 2002 constituted the first national stoppage for the FBU in 25 years. The general public, according to opinion polls consistently supported the firefighters. In contrast to 1977, the FBU also received the backing of the TUC.
Blair, however, was not prepared to budge. He wanted to make an example of the FBU. “Industrial militancy to achieve political ends – what some call Scargillism – is not on…” stated Blair defiantly. “We are not going back to those old days.” The government demanded that the FBU accept “modernisation” (based on the methods of “modern” Taylorism), which adds up to cuts in jobs and services. Prescott himself announced that some 6,000 firefighters’ jobs would have to be axed (through “natural wastage”, of course) leaving the service dangerously understaffed. Despite the government’s stand, the rank and file of the Labour movement rallied to the firefighters. Apart from dozens of trade unions, the London Labour Party Conference voted with only eight votes against to support the FBU claim. Unfortunately, FBU leaders refused to call an all-out strike, and the dispute ended in a messy deal, which angered many firefighters.
Over the last 20 years the political pendulum has swung very far to the right. Compared to the militancy of the 1970s, industrial struggle for the best part of two decades has been on a downward curve, apart from a few notable exceptions. In the face of the employers’ offensive, the unions, saddled with a right-wing leadership, were on the retreat. As a result, today only around 20 per cent of private sector workers are in trade unions. This situation reflected the job losses in manufacturing, traditionally a highly trade unionised sector. However it also mirrored the legacy of past right-wing domination of the trade unions. Under the Blair administration, which has acted increasingly like a Tory government, the employers continued to attack the unions. The courts are being continually used as under the Tories to hamstring the Labour movement. For example, in April 2001, rail bosses used the anti-union laws against the RMT to frustrate industrial action, at a cost of £50,000 to the union. The law is also used to frustrate union recognition claims, as was illustrated in the National Union of Journalists’ case to gain recognition at the Daily Telegraph. But now the tide has undoubtedly turned. Trade unions, armed with the Fairness at Work laws, however flawed or inadequate, have forced employers into recognition deals, either voluntarily or after prolonged legal battles.
As mentioned, the Tory peer, Lord Conrad Black of Crossharbour (granted the peerage by Blair in 2001), was forced to recognise the National Union of Journalists at his Telegraph titles, after workers were stripped of their negotiating rights more than a decade ago. Describing journalists as “sniggering jackals”, Lord Black only conceded after massive obstruction and 18 months of legal wrangling. They became the latest workforce to be added to the lengthening list of organisations signing recognition agreements: American Airlines, Boots, Meridian TV, Kwik-Fit, Greenpeace and – not to forget the representatives of God in the form of the Church of Scotland! They all joined the ranks of the TUC, pushing its membership up to seven million members to reverse the long decline of the Tory era. It is true that the recovery has been slow and results remain patchy, but the trend is in the right direction.
The number of recognition deals signed in 2002 was more than 300 – double the previous year. The GMB’s campaign against private sector involvement in public services resulted in the recruitment of 44,000 new members, the largest increase in 16 years. Membership of the rail union, the RMT, which has been in the forefront of militant action, has risen by 8,000 – or 12 per cent – in eleven months. “If that was the whole trade union movement it would mean an increase of round about one and a half million,” stated general secretary Bob Crow. “I think when they see that the union’s fighting, people will join.” Similarly ASLEF can point to a 25 per cent leap in five years to 18,000 during a period when the union secured big pay rises for its members. Mark Serwotka, general secretary of the PCS civil service union, can point to an 18,000 jump to 267,000 since he was elected on a militant platform. The same is true of other left unions.