The victory of Churchill in the 1951 general election was to mark the beginning of thirteen years of uninterrupted Tory rule. One of the main reasons for this remarkable success was the world economic upswing that was underway, which enormously benefited British capitalism, masked its deficiencies, as well as serving to reinforce illusions in the capitalist system itself. Within the organised Labour movement, these favourable economic conditions served, in turn, to bolster the position of the right-wing leaders of the trade unions and the Labour Party.
The nightmare of the Thirties had disappeared. The eradication of mass unemployment and rising prosperity stood in marked contrast to the wretched inter-war period. Again, the economic upswing served to heal the deep wounds of past defeats, and strengthen the organisations of the working class in terms of numbers and cohesion. These new conditions appeared to confirm the idea that capitalism had really changed, as the Labour leaders argued, and that the ideas of Marxism and class struggle seemed to be a thing of the past. According to them, simply through the policies of John Maynard Keynes, the new economic guru, and government intervention, the capitalist economy could be fine-tuned to eradicate booms and slumps and the vagaries of the market economy. (Interestingly, Gordon Brown again made similar assertions of eliminating “boom and bust” some fifty years later). In place of “old-fashioned” class struggle, the leaders of parties and trade unions preached conciliation and class harmony. According to them, “everything would work out for the best, in the best of all capitalist worlds”.
The General Council of the TUC, completely under the domination of the Neanderthal right wing, and ever eager to promote its own importance, issued a statement concerning its relations with the new Conservative government:
Since the Conservative administrations of pre-war days, the range of consultation between Ministers and both sides of industry has considerably increased, and the machinery of joint consultation has enormously improved. We expect of this government that they will maintain to the full this practice of consultation.
Unlike in the 1930s, this collaborationist role of the trade union tops suited the Tories and the employers. With the lowering of international trade barriers, there was an unprecedented expansion of world trade, which in turn, gave a further impetus to global production. Under these circumstances, the British capitalists needed to urgently expand production, not only to reach new markets, but also to hold on to their share of world trade. Given the increased strength of organised labour, it was now very much in the interests of the ruling class to pursue a policy of collaboration with the union leaders. In turn, they would lean heavily upon the trade union bureaucracy to police its members, keep wages stable and, above all, boost productivity and profits. Despite some minor reservations, it was a role that the TUC was wholeheartedly pleased to embrace.
As explained, throughout the 1950s the British trade unions as well as the Labour Party were firmly in the grip of the right wing. The triumvirate of Arthur Deakin (TGWU), Tom Williamson (GMWU) and Will Lawther (NUM), ruled the movement in the most authoritarian manner, using their bloc vote to the maximum effect both in the TUC and the Labour Party. Williamson was so close to the capitalist Establishment that he was one of the participants at the first meeting of the conspiratorial Bilderberg Group in 1954, an elite gathering of the world’s rich and powerful. In the words of Aneurin Bevan:
… the policies of the Party are, in fact, determined by an irresponsible group of trade union bureaucrats. You should appreciate the fact that the bloc vote operates inside the Executive as well as at the Conference. We have actually reached the position where it would be true to say that the leaders of the Transport and General Workers’ Union and the Municipal and General Workers’ Union decide the policy of the Labour Party. The preponderance of votes they enjoy is such that no trade union representative can be elected to the executive without their consent. This power they have exercised ruthlessly and cynically… This domination must be broken if democracy inside the party is to have the chance to breathe.[1]
The economic boom, with its increased profits for the capitalists, allowed them to grant small wage rises without much trouble, providing they were linked to increases in productivity. Given the shortage of skilled labour, employers preferred to negotiate agreements and avoid strikes, which only served to disrupt production. In comparison to the immediate post-war period, the decade of the Fifties can be considered on the whole as one of relative social peace between the classes. The unofficial strike by oil tanker drivers in London in October 1953, where troops were used to break the strike, was the exception rather than the rule.
The TGWU, the biggest union in Britain, was the standard bearer of right-wing reaction within the Labour movement. Deakin was the archetypal trade union “boss”, who regarded internal union democracy as a hindrance, and shop stewards as troublemakers, needing to be continually policed and kept in check. This was illustrated by an agreement with the Ford Motor Company in the early 1950s. “Because of their [the Deakin leadership] deep hostility towards left-wing shop stewards, they had designed an agreement which put all power at the centre and virtually ruled out membership participation”, stated Jack Jones, a full-time official at the time.
A limited number of shop stewards were allowed, but their activities were tightly controlled and shop floor bargaining was virtually outlawed. The management could exercise a veto on the nomination of shop stewards and altogether trade union activity was effectively circumscribed.[2]
As long as living standards rose, the Neanderthal right wing could use these gangster methods to police the workers’ movement without much difficulty. That did not mean there was no discontent or opposition – far from it – but such feelings were largely stultified by the union apparatus. The nearest parallel to this kind of internal regime was the American AFL-CIO, whose leadership typified the most degenerate form of business unionism, and was heavily influenced by organised crime.
The Tories attempted to persuade the trade union leaders to agree to some form of permanent arbitration machinery for the settlement of disputes. But the TUC leaders opposed this suggestion, preferring to treat industrial relations “in their own way”. By the middle of the 1950s, however, strike figures took a leap upwards, with fifty per cent more days lost than in any other year since the war. One of the reasons for this was the continuous simmering discontent on the docks.