The great French revolution, 1789-1793 Index THE GREAT FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1789-1793 PREFACE 1. THE TWO GREAT CURRENTS OF THE REVOLUTION 2. THE IDEA 3. ACTION 4. THE PEOPLE BEFORE THE REVOLUTION 5. THE SPIRIT OF REVOLT: THE RIOTS 6. THE CONVOCATION OF THE STATES GENERAL BECOMES NECESSARY 7. THE RISING OF THE COUNTRY DISTRICTS DURING THE OPENING MONTHS OF 1789 8. RIOTS IN PARIS AND ITS ENVIRONS 9. THE STATES-GENERAL 10. PREPARATIONS FOR THE COUP D'ÉTAT 11. PARIS ON THE EVE OF THE FOURTEENTH 12. THE TAKING OF THE BASTILLE 13. THE CONSEQUENCES OF JULY 14 AT VERSAILLES 14. THE POPULAR RISINGS 15. THE TOWNS 16. THE PEASANT RISING 17. AUGUST 4 AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 18. THE FEUDAL RIGHTS REMAIN 19. DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN 20. THE FIFTH AND SIXTH OF OCTOBER 1789 21. FEARS OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES — THE NEW MUNICIPAL ORGANISATION 22. FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES — SALE OF CHURCH PROPERTY 23. THE FêTE OF THE FEDERATION 24. THE “DISTRICTS” AND THE “SECTIONS” OF PARIS 25. THE SECTIONS OF PARIS UNDER THE NEW MUNICIPAL LAW 26. DELAYS IN THE ABOLITION OF THE FEUDAL RIGHTS 27. FEUDAL LEGISLATION IN 1790 28. ARREST OF THE REVOLUTION IN 1790 29. THE FLIGHT OF THE KING — REACTION — END OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 30. THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY — REACTION IN 1791-1792 31. THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH OF FRANCE 32. THE TWENTIETH OF JUNE 1792 33. THE TENTH OF AUGUST: ITS IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES 34. THE INTERREGNUM — THE BETRAYALS 35. THE SEPTEMBER DAYS 36. THE CONVENTION — THE COMMUNE — THE JACOBINS 37. THE GOVERNMENT — CONFLICTS WITH THE CONVENTION — THE WAR 38. THE TRIAL OF THE KING 39. THE “MOUNTAIN” AND THE GIRONDE 40. ATTEMPTS OF THE GIRONDINS TO STOP THE REVOLUTION 41. THE “ANARCHISTS” 42. CAUSES OF THE RISING ON MAY 31 43. SOCIAL DEMANDS — STATE OF FEELING IN PARIS — LYONS 44. THE WAR — THE RISING IN LA VENDEE — TREACHERY OF DUMOURIEZ 45. A NEW RISING RENDERED INEVITABLE 46. THE INSURRECTION OF MAY 31 AND JUNE 2 47. THE POPULAR REVOLUTION — ARBITRARY TAXATION 48. THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY AND THE COMMUNAL LANDS 49. THE LANDS RESTORED TO THE COMMUNES 50. FINAL ABOLITION OF THE FEUDAL RIGHTS 51. THE NATIONAL ESTATES 52. THE STRUGGLE AGAINST FAMINE — THE MAXIMUM — PAPER-MONEY 53. COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN BRITTANY — ASSASSINATION OF MARAT 54. THE VENDEE — LYONS — THE RISINGS IN SOUTHERN FRANCE 55. THE WAR — THE INVASION BEATEN BACK 56. THE CONSTITUTION — THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT 57. THE EXHAUSTION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT 58. THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT 59. SCHEMES FOR THE SOCIALISATION OF LAND, INDUSTRIES, MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE AND EXCHANGE 60. THE END OF THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT 61. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT — REPRISALS 62. EDUCATION — THE METRIC SYSTEM — THE NEW CALENDAR — ANTI-RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT 63. THE SUPPRESSION OF THE SECTIONS 64. STRUGGLE AGAINST THE HEBERTISTS 65. FALL OF THE HEBERTISTS — DANTON EXECUTED 66. ROBESPIERRE AND HIS GROUP 67. THE TERROR 68. THE 9TH THERMIDOR — TRIUMPH OF REACTION 69. CONCLUSION ALL PAGES Share TweetPage 6 of 714. The People Before the RevolutionCondition of people previous to 1789 — Wanton luxury of aristocrats — Poverty of majority of peasants — Rise and importance of well-to-do peasant classIt would be waste of time to describe here at any length the condition of the peasants in the country and of the poorer classes in the towns on the eve of 1789.All the historians who have written about the great French Revolution have devoted eloquent pages to this subject. The people groaned under the burden of taxes levied by the State, rents and contributions paid to the lord, tithes collected by the clergy, as well as under the forced labour exacted by all three. Entire populations were reduced to beggary and wandered on the roads to the number of five, ten or twenty thousand men, women and children in every province; in 1777, one million one hundred thousand persons were officially declared to be beggars. In the villages famine had become chronic; its intervals were short, and it decimated entire provinces. Peasants were flocking in hundreds and thousands from their own neighbourhood, in the hope, soon undeceived, of finding better conditions elsewhere. At the same time, the number of the poor in the towns increased every year, and it was quite usual for food to run short. As the municipalities could not replenish the markets, bread riots, always followed by massacres, became a persistent feature in the everyday life of the kingdom.On the other hand might be seen the superfine aristocrat of the eighteenth century squandering immense fortunes — hundreds of thousands and millions of francs a year — in unbridled and absurd luxury. To-day a Taine can go into raptures over the life they led because he knows it only from a distance, a hundred years away, and through books; but, in reality, they hid under their dancing-master manners roisterous dissipations and the crudest sensuality; they were without interest, without thought, without even the simplest human feeling. Consequently, boredom was always tapping at the doors of the rich, boredom at the Court of Versailles, boredom in their chateaux; and they tried in vain to evade it by the most futile and the most childish means. We also know what they were worth, these aristocrats, when the Revolution broke out; how they left “their” King, and “their” Queen to defend themselves, and hastened to emigrate, calling for a foreign invasion to protect their estates and privileges against the revolted people. Their worth and their “nobility” of character can be estimated by the colonies of emigres, which they established at Coblentz, Brussels and Mitau.Those extremes of luxury and misery with which life abounded in the eighteenth century have been admirably depicted by every historian of the Great Revolution. But one feature remains to be added, the importance of which stands out especially when we study the condition of the peasants at this moment in Russia on the eve of the great Russian Revolution.The misery of the great mass of French peasants was undoubtedly frightful. It had increased by leaps end bounds, ever since the reign of Louis XIV., as the expenditure of the State increased and the luxury of the great lords became more exquisite in the extravagancies revealed for us in certain memoirs of that time. What helped to make the exactions of the nobility unendurable was that a great number of them, when ruined, hiding their poverty under a show of luxury, resorted in desperation to the extortion of even the least of those rents and payments in kind, which only custom had established. They treated the peasants, through the intermediary of their stewards, with the rigour of mere brokers. Impoverishment turned the nobility, in their relations with their ex-serfs, into middle-class money-grubbers, incapable, however, of finding any other source of revenue than the exploitation of ancient privileges, relics of the feudal age. This is why we find in certain documents, during the fifteen years of Louis XVI's reign which preceded the Revolution, indisputable traces of a recrudescence of seigneurial exactions.But though the historians are right in depicting the condition of the peasants in very dark colours, it would be a mistake to impeach the Veracity of those who, like Tocqueville, mention some amelioration in the conditions of the country during those very years preceding the Revolution. The fact is, that a double phenomenon became apparent in the villages at that time: the impoverishment of the great mass of the peasants and the bettering of the condition of a few among them. This may be seen to-day in Russia since the abolition of serfdom.The great mass of the peasants grew poorer. Year after year their livelihood became more and more precarious: the least drought resulted in scarcity and famine. But a new class of peasant, a little better off and with ambitions, was forming at the same time, especially in districts where aristocratic estates were disintegrating rapidly. The village middle classes, the well-to-do peasants, came into being, and as the Revolution drew near these furnished the first speakers against feudal rights, and demanded their abolition. It was this class which, during the four or five years the Revolution lasted, most firmly insisted that these feudal rights should be abolished without compensation, and that the estates of the royalist nobles should be confiscated and sold in small parcels. It was this class too, which was most bitter, in 1793, against les cidevants, the dispossessed nobles, the ex-landlords.For the time being, at the approach of the Revolution, it was through the peasant who had become of some importance in his village that hope filled men's hearts and inspired the spirit of revolt.Traces of this awakening are evident, for since the accession of Louis XVI., in 1774, revolts were continually on the increase. It may be said, therefore, that if despair and misery impelled the people to riot, it was the hope of obtaining some relief that incited them to revolt.Like every other revolution, that of 1789 was inspired by the hope of attaining certain important results. Prev Next