German imperialism in Eastern Europe

Germany is rearming. It claims this is because Russia could be in a position to attack Europe as early as 2029, and, therefore, Germany needs to be war-ready itself. Yet, as Clausewitz once said, “War is the continuation of politics by other means”. Lenin added, politics is, in the final analysis, concentrated economics. So why does Germany really want to become war-ready?

[Originally published in German at derkommunist.de]

Germany and Eastern Europe

In the 1970s, sections of the German ruling class recognised that there were enormous advantages to building economic relations with the Eastern European planned economies. These offered major new markets for German industrial goods and long-term supply contracts for energy sources such as oil and gas, on which German industry is still dependent today. Germany granted loans to these countries, which they used to purchase German goods. In doing so, they became dependent on Germany.

With the annexation of the GDR and the collapse of Stalinism, Germany was able to further consolidate its position as the dominant imperialist power in Europe and expand eastwards. Thus, with a trade volume of $120.5 billion in 1994, Germany became Russia’s most important trading partner, far exceeding the US-Russian trade volume of $56.3 billion.

Germany’s Ostpolitik (Eastern Policy) after 1990 struck a balance. On the one hand, Germany further expanded its economic partnership with Russia in order to retain cheap Russian energy for German industry – a move that alarmed both the Eastern European countries and the US. On the other hand, it extended its sphere of influence into Eastern Europe, which did not please Russia.

Russia, severely weakened following the collapse of the Soviet Union, had to watch as Germany gained ever more economic and political influence in Eastern Europe. As part of the western alliance, West Germany could, if necessary, rely on the military might of the USA.

In order to allay the concerns of both Eastern and Western European countries about Germany’s resurgence as a major European power, German imperialism made particular use of the European Union (EU). As the EU expanded eastwards throughout the 1990s and 2000s, Germany was able to gain influence in Eastern European countries and bind them economically ever more closely to itself.

The US was happy for Germany to replace Russia as the dominant power in Eastern Europe, thereby further isolating Russia. NATO’s eastward expansion aimed to remove Eastern Europe from the sphere of influence of a resurgent Russia, and Germany played a key role in this.

However, the US also sought to drive a wedge between Germany and Russia. US strategist Brzezinski stated in 1997 that one of NATO’s aims was also to keep Germany tightly leashed to the US, in order to prevent it from pursuing an independent path towards the East. Europe and Germany were manageable separately, but a German-Russian bloc would have combined modern German industry with Russia’s massive population and virtually unlimited reserves of raw materials. This would have severely weakened the US’s position in Europe and created a powerful rival.

Particularly under Schröder (SPD), a section of the German ruling class sought to achieve greater independence from US imperialism in foreign policy and trade relations. This was expressed in, for example, the construction of the Nord Stream 1 gas pipeline, Putin’s 2001 offer in the Bundestag for a close political partnership, and, in 2003, when Germany voted against the Iraq War alongside France and Russia, which was the high point of Russo-German relations.

During her term in office, Merkel (CDU) initially put a stop to the formation of a German-Russian bloc and once again moved to deepen US-German relations. This took place under pressure from US imperialism, and Poland and the Baltic states.

Following the Ukraine crisis, which began in 2014, the ruling classes of these countries developed a decidedly anti-Russian policy, which placed the German ruling class under pressure to act in order to dampen the centrifugal forces within the EU. Nevertheless, Germany did not go so far as to abandon its economically vital relations with Russia. It was only during the war in Ukraine from 2022 onwards that US imperialism finally forced it to do so.

The workbench model

With the first major privatisations in the former Eastern Bloc states between 1990 and 1993, German companies such as Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz and Siemens began establishing joint ventures in Eastern Europe. In the years that followed, German car manufacturers established a much larger presence, and suppliers soon followed suit. With the Yugoslav Wars, the region was brought further under control. But the real leap forward came with the EU enlargement in 2004, namely the accession of ten former Eastern Bloc states.

Today, German imperialism has extended its influence almost to the entirety of Eastern Europe. Its volume of trade with Eastern European countries reached a new record of €550 billion in 2025. Poland, for example, is now the fourth-largest German export market, ranking ahead of even China.

But above all, the region serves as a ‘workbench’ to which German firms can outsource labour-intensive production. Due to the industrial focus of the former planned economies, these countries retain a large and well-trained labour force. Their wages are extremely cheap: whilst the hourly labour cost for a skilled worker in Germany stood at €38.60 in 2026, it was €5.92 in Poland and as low as €1.95 in Romania.

Germany defends its spoils

Eastern Europe is crucial for the German economy. The Chair of the German Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations stated: 

“Mercosur or India may become important in the future – but the present is Central and Eastern Europe.”

Yet Germany now risks losing its imperialist domination over this region. Over the last 20 years, Russia has managed to stabilise itself and has now become an imperialist world power. The war in Ukraine shows that Russia is no longer prepared to accept the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU. It is emerging stronger from the war in Ukraine and will attempt to displace Germany and the EU from its traditional sphere of influence in Eastern Europe.

The war in Ukraine shows that Russia is no longer prepared to accept the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU / Image: National Police of Ukraine, Wikimedia Commons

At the same time, the US is noticeably withdrawing from Europe, preferring to concentrate its resources on deterring its main competitor, China. But without the US military behind them, Germany and Europe stand to lose a large part of their clout in world politics in one fell swoop.

Meanwhile, China’s influence in Eastern Europe is also growing: in 2025, the volume of trade between China and Central and Eastern European countries has risen by 6.85 percent, and China is now Poland’s second-largest supplier.

That is why Germany is now rearming! When the ruling class speaks of ‘defence’, what they are really talking about is their ‘right’ to exploit Eastern Europe. Certainly, it is not about the defence of German territory against an alleged Russian attack, as Russia currently has neither an interest nor the necessary military capabilities.

In 2025, Germany deployed German soldiers in Lithuania. This is the first time since 1945 that German troops have been permanently stationed abroad. Chancellor Friedrich Merz put it thus: “The protection of Vilnius is the defence of Berlin.”

Fight German imperialism!

Since the 1990s, the dominance of German and western imperialism has brought Eastern Europe nothing but economic crises, impoverishment and financial dependence through high levels of debt. 

The ‘democratic West’ is endeavouring to exert political influence throughout Eastern Europe in order to secure its own position of power.

For German imperialism today, however, there are no good options; it is being ground down between the major imperialist powers: the USA, China and Russia. Its decline is irreversible. 

Nevertheless, the ruling class is attempting to prevent precisely this through the resurgence of German militarism. The working class and the youth will have to pay for all this, justified by the promise that although we must grit our teeth now, there is light at the end of the tunnel. That is a lie.

The only way to end this crisis is for the working class to take its fate into its own hands and fight for the united socialist states of Europe and, ultimately, the whole world.