East Timorese youth follow the example of Indonesia and Nepal

For three straight days, starting on 15 September, mass protests rocked Timor-Leste. It started as a protest against the government’s plan to procure luxury cars for members of parliament, but quickly became an expression of a general anger toward the whole political system. These were the largest mass protests in years. The regime, horrified by these protests – and what had happened in Indonesia and Nepal – was quick to make concessions. 

These demonstrations followed a similar trajectory to those in Nepal and Indonesia over the past few weeks: youth anger over the excesses of politicians' luxurious lifestyle amidst poverty and high unemployment. Slogans such as "disband the liberal parties Fretilin, CNRT, PD, Khunto, PLP" resonated, demonstrating the masses' deep hatred. They felt cheated and their independence stolen by those in power.

It's been 23 years since Timor-Leste's independence, but conditions for the people haven't changed much. "If you go outside Dili, you'll see that the economic conditions there haven't changed much in the last 25 years," said Charles Scheiner, a researcher at the Dili-based NGO La'o Hamutuk. "Poverty levels are still very high. Child malnutrition is probably one of the worst in the world," he added.

Timor-Leste's poverty rate has reached 40 percent. This figure is double that of one of Indonesia's poorest provinces, East Nusa Tenggara, which borders it. Most Timorese youth are unemployed and almost permanently unemployed. Nearly 30 percent of youth aged 15–24 are classified as NEET: not in education, employment, or training.

A small, fortunate minority can escape these chronic conditions by working abroad as migrant workers. Remittances from Timorese migrant workers in Australia, South Korea, the UK, and Japan reached US$245 million in 2024, or 8.7 percent of national income. Tens of thousands of families depend on these remittances.

The majority of this country's revenue came from oil and gas, which contribute 70 percent of GDP. However, the country's energy reserves will dry up in the coming years. The Bayu-Undan field, for example, has begun to dry up in recent years. Meanwhile, the Greater Sunrise Field is still embroiled in a management dispute with Australia. Australian imperialism has exploited this country to the fullest. Revenues from Timor-Leste's oil and gas only benefit capitalists in Canberra and enrich politicians and their cronies.

Like the bourgeoisie in other colonial countries, the East Timorese bourgeoisie arrived late onto the stage of history. They were reduced to the role of comprador for imperialist powers. Incapable of building their own national industry and modernising the nation, they choose to reap instant profits by ‘selling’ resources or cheap migrant labour to imperialist powers. They were inextricably tied to imperialism and concerned only with the narrow interests of enriching themselves.

Miserable slums have sprung up at the foot of the mountains surrounding Dili, while the luxurious homes of officials and new capitalists stand majestically. There is a vast gap between the ruling class and the working people. This is the basis of yesterday's resistance by the youth, who serve as a sensitive barometer to the uneasiness felt by the working masses in Timor-Leste.

Ministers, deputy ministers, judges, and high-ranking state officials are given generous lifetime pensions, while ordinary citizens live without any. This lifetime pension issue has also become a source of public anger.

In addition, these officials enjoy additional lucrative privileges, such as: medical treatment, including abroad if deemed necessary; exemption from import duties on private cars and building materials for private homes, which they then use to do business and make a fortune; diplomatic passports for their entire families, which they use to travel abroad, a great luxury that most people cannot afford; state vehicles with private drivers, state houses, private secretaries, assistants, etc. All this contrasts with the daily income of the majority of the people, which is only US$1.90 per person.

Fretilin, as the party known to lead the independence struggle, has been severely discredited in the eyes of young people. While it still enjoys political capital from its past exploits as the leader of the independence struggle, support for the party has begun to wane. In the 2023 elections, the party secured only 25.8 percent of the vote, compared to 34.2 percent in 2018.

The Fretilin government was responsible for passing various laws that guarantee privileges for members of parliament and officials. This was one reason why its support base is weakening.

Meanwhile, Xanana Gusmão and his CNRT party has built a reputation as the opposition amidst Fretilin's decline. But this did not make him immune to the anger of young people, who also saw the CNRT as no different from all the corrupt politicians who were the source of everything wrong with the country.

There have been numerous corruption and nepotism scandals within Xanana's circle. For example, his daughter, Zenilda Gusmão, is a shareholder in Prima Food, which won a government contract to supply rice worth US$3.5 million.

The decades-long resentment against all existing political parties finally exploded to the surface. Inspired by the courage of the youth from Nepal and Indonesia, East Timorese students organised a demonstration on 15 September. Thousands of students gathered in front of the parliament building. Protesters burned tires and gave speeches, but the government quickly deployed police and dispersed the demonstration with tear gas. Street fighting broke out, and the entire city of Dili was shrouded in a cloud of tear gas.

What initially started as a protest against the provision of luxury cars for members of parliament has now become a movement to reject all the privileges of officials and the system that impoverishes working people.

A student who was tear-gassed while protesting told the BBC that he was angry at the MPs for “wanting to buy luxury cars to go to work while their people are still suffering.” The annual salary of MPs in Timor-Leste is US$36,000, which is almost 30 times the per capita income.

In fact, the government's plan to purchase new cars for officials is nothing new. For many years, students have held numerous demonstrations to reject the provision of cars to members of parliament. But this recent demonstration is different because it's no longer just about the car procurement issue, but rather a general expression of public anger at the country's high poverty and chronic unemployment. Videos posted on social media show widespread public support for the student protesters. For example, one of them said: "People don't have access to education, water, and proper sanitation. We lack facilities, yet they still make so many laws to benefit themselves. We think it's unfair."

While previously the government could easily ignore the student protesters, this time it wasn't possible, as behind them stood the masses who sympathised with them. This is why the three-day demonstrations brought the government to its knees. They immediately canceled the car procurement and reviewed pension benefits for members of parliament. The ruling class was terrified by the revolutions in Nepal and Indonesia. That's why concessions were made to prevent a revolution from below.

The recent revolutionary explosions reflect the depth of capitalism's crisis. What is being seen in Indonesia, Nepal, and Timor-Leste demonstrates that the masses can no longer survive with the old ways. The fundamental problems in Timor-Leste (corruption, poverty, and unemployment) cannot be resolved within the confines of the capitalist system. Sooner or later, the masses will enter into struggle again.

All existing parties have been discredited in the eyes of the masses. More and more young people are beginning to question the capitalist system and seek revolutionary alternatives. If a genuine revolutionary Marxist party existed in Timor-Leste, it could change the course of events. This party could offer the masses a revolutionary alternative: that only through nationalisation and socialist economic planning can working people solve their fundamental problems. In other words, we need a government of the working class and the poor to replace today's corrupt capitalist government and initiate a socialist transformation. This is the only solution for East Timor.