[Classics] In Defence Of Marxism Index [CLASSICS] IN DEFENCE OF MARXISM INTRODUCTION TO 2010 EDITION A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON THE USSR IN WAR A LETTER TO SHERMAN STANLEY AGAIN, AND ONCE MORE AGAIN ON THE NATURE OF THE USSR THE REFERENDUM AND DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM A LETTER TO SHERMAN STANLEY (2) A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (2) A LETTER TO MAX SHACHTMAN A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (3) A PETTY-BOURGEOIS OPPOSITION IN THE SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY A LETTER TO JOHN G. WRIGHT A LETTER TO MAX SHACHTMAN (2) FOUR LETTERS TO THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE MAJORITY A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN AN OPEN LETTER TO COMRADE BURNHAM A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (4) A LETTER TO FARRELL DOBBS A LETTER TO JOHN G. WRIGHT (2) A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (5) A LETTER TO WILLIAM F. WARDE A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN (2) FROM A SCRATCH – TO THE DANGER OF GANGRENE A LETTER TO MARTIN ABERN TWO LETTERS TO ALBERT GOLDMAN BACK TO THE PARTY ‘SCIENCE AND STYLE’ A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (6) A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN (3) THREE LETTERS TO FARRELL DOBBS PETTY-BOURGEOIS MORALISTS AND THE PROLETARIAN PARTY BALANCE SHEET OF THE FINNISH EVENTS A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (7) A LETTER TO ALBERT GOLDMAN ON THE ‘WORKERS’ PARTY ON A PETTY-BOURGEOIS PHILISTINE A LETTER TO CHRIS ANDREWS APPENDIX ALL PAGES Page 23 of 39A Letter to Joseph Hansen[1]18 January, 1940Dear Joe,My article against Shachtman is already written. I need now to polish it for two days, and I will try to use some of your quotations. But I wish to speak here about another more important question. Some of the leaders of the opposition are preparing a split; whereby they represent the opposition in the future as a persecuted minority. It is very characteristic of their state of mind. I believe we must answer them approximately as follows:You are already afraid of our future repressions? We propose to you mutual guarantees for the future minority, independently of who might be this minority, you or we. These guarantees could be formulated in four points: (1) No prohibition of factions; (2) No other restrictions on factional activity than those dictated by the necessity for common action; (3) The official publications must represent, of course, the line established by the new convention; (4) The future minority can have, if it wishes, an internal bulletin destined for party members, or a common discussion bulletin with the majority.The continuation of discussion bulletins immediately after a long discussion and a convention is, of course, not a rule but an exception, a rather deplorable one. But we are not bureaucrats at all. We don’t have immutable rules. We are dialecticians also in the organisational field. If we have in the party an important minority which is dissatisfied with the decisions of the convention, it is incomparably more preferable to legalise the discussion after the convention than to have a split.We can go, if necessary, even further and propose to them to publish, under the supervision of the new National Committee, special discussion symposiums, not only for party members, but for the public in general. We should go as far as possible in this respect in order to disarm their at least premature complaints and handicap them in provoking a split.For my part I believe that the prolongation of the discussion, if it is channelised by the good will of both sides, can only serve in the present conditions the education of the party. I believe that the majority should make these propositions officially in the National Committee in a written form. Whatever might be their answer, the party could only win.With best greetings,Cornell [Leon Trotsky]Coyoacán, D.F.Notes[1] This letter was written by Trotsky in English. Prev Next