[Classics] In Defence Of Marxism Index [CLASSICS] IN DEFENCE OF MARXISM INTRODUCTION TO 2010 EDITION A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON THE USSR IN WAR A LETTER TO SHERMAN STANLEY AGAIN, AND ONCE MORE AGAIN ON THE NATURE OF THE USSR THE REFERENDUM AND DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM A LETTER TO SHERMAN STANLEY (2) A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (2) A LETTER TO MAX SHACHTMAN A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (3) A PETTY-BOURGEOIS OPPOSITION IN THE SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY A LETTER TO JOHN G. WRIGHT A LETTER TO MAX SHACHTMAN (2) FOUR LETTERS TO THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE MAJORITY A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN AN OPEN LETTER TO COMRADE BURNHAM A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (4) A LETTER TO FARRELL DOBBS A LETTER TO JOHN G. WRIGHT (2) A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (5) A LETTER TO WILLIAM F. WARDE A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN (2) FROM A SCRATCH – TO THE DANGER OF GANGRENE A LETTER TO MARTIN ABERN TWO LETTERS TO ALBERT GOLDMAN BACK TO THE PARTY ‘SCIENCE AND STYLE’ A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (6) A LETTER TO JOSEPH HANSEN (3) THREE LETTERS TO FARRELL DOBBS PETTY-BOURGEOIS MORALISTS AND THE PROLETARIAN PARTY BALANCE SHEET OF THE FINNISH EVENTS A LETTER TO JAMES P. CANNON (7) A LETTER TO ALBERT GOLDMAN ON THE ‘WORKERS’ PARTY ON A PETTY-BOURGEOIS PHILISTINE A LETTER TO CHRIS ANDREWS APPENDIX ALL PAGES Share TweetPage 3 of 39A Letter to James P. Cannon12 September 1939[1]Dear Jim:I am writing now a study on the social character of the USSR in connection with the war question. The writing, with its translation, will take at least one week more. The fundamental ideas are as follows: Our definition of the USSR can be right or wrong, but I do not see any reason to make our definition dependent on the German-Soviet pact. The social character of the USSR is not determined by her friendship with democracy or fascism. Who adopts such a point of view becomes a prisoner of the Stalinist conception of the People’s Front epoch. Who says that the USSR is no more a degenerate workers’ state, but a new social formation, should clearly say what he adds to our political conclusions. The USSR question cannot be isolated as unique from the whole historic process of our times. Either the Stalin state is a transitory formation, it is a deformation of a workers’ state in a backward and isolated state, or ‘bureaucratic collectivism’ (Bruno R., La Bureaucratisation du Monde, Paris 1939) is a new social formation, which is replacing capitalism throughout the world (Stalinism, Fascism, New Deals, etc.). The terminological experiments (workers’ state, not workers’ state; class, not class; etc.) receive a sense only under this historic aspect. Who chooses the second alternative admits, openly or silently, that all the revolutionary potentialities of the world proletariat are exhausted, that the socialist movement is bankrupt, and that the old capitalism is transforming itself into ‘bureaucratic collectivism’ with a new exploiting class. The tremendous importance of such a conclusion is self-explanatory. It concerns the whole fate of the world proletariat and mankind. Have we the slightest right to induce ourselves by purely terminological experiments in a new historic conception which occurs to be in an absolute contradiction with our programme, strategy and tactics? Such an adventuristic jump would be doubly criminal now in view of the world war when the perspective of the socialist revolution becomes an imminent reality and when the case of the USSR will appear to everybody as a transitorial episode in the process of world socialist revolution.I write these lines in haste, which explains their insufficiency, but in a week, I hope to send you my more complete thesis.Comradely greetings,V.T.O. [Leon Trotsky][2]Notes[1] This letter was written by Trotsky in English.[2] Because of the conditions of his residence in the various countries in which he lived after his exile, Trotsky often used pseudonyms in his letters. His letters were frequently signed with the name of his English secretary. Prev Next