Like a hydra-headed monster, once again, ethnic tension has risen to near boiling point, threatening to tear Nigeria apart. This time around, it is the renewed call for secession of the South Eastern region (the Igbos) from Nigeria by the “Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)” to form the Republic of Biafra, that is haunting the nation. Similar agitation for Biafra in the late sixties eventually led to three years of civil war from 1967 to 1970, in which over two million men, women and children perished.

The murder of former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) Secretary-General, Sindiso Magaqa, was received with shock, anger and revulsion across the country. Although his shooting is connected to the infighting in the ANC at local level, it reflects the present crisis in the party generally. Now, three months before of the National Conference, the factions in the party are in an open civil war with serious consequences for the class struggle.

Over the last few days hundreds of thousands of people have returned to the streets of the West African country of Togo to protest against the brutal dictatorship of Faure Gnassingbé. This is a continuation of a mass revolutionary wave which have hit the entire region over the last period.

The imperialist military interventions in Iraq, Syria and Libya were portrayed by Western leaders as “humanitarian” operations to restore democracy and human rights. But what has instead occurred is the exact opposite with the rise of different degrees of barbarism in all three countries. Just like in Syria and Iraq, we are now also witnessing the rise of slave-like conditions in Libya on a systematic level.

Desde outubro do ano passado, Al Hoceima e suas regiões vizinhas têm visto um grande movimento de protesto. A razão direta por traz disso foi o esmagamento de um jovem vendedor de peixes (Mohsen Fikri) em um container de lixo por funcionários locais depois de protestar a confiscação de seus bens. Atrás do movimento, no entanto, há razões mais profundas, como a ditadura, exploração, marginalização e desemprego: isto é, o capitalismo e o seu estado.

Het regime slaat hard in op de opstandige Rif. De Marokkaanse lente bloeit opnieuw op.

Afgelopen vrijdag, 26 mei, werden de gelovigen in de moskeeën van Al Hoceima verrast en kwaad gemaakt toen zij de preken van de religieuze leiders hoorden.

Dall’ottobre scorso, Al Hoceima e le sue regioni limitrofe hanno assistito un grande movimento di protesta. La ragione immediata dietro allo sviluppo delle mobilitazioni è stata l’omicidio di un giovane pescivendolo (Mouchine Fikri) letteralmente triturato in un camion della raccolta rifiuti. Fikri era inseguito dalla polizia locale dopo aver protestato per la confisca dei suoi beni. Dietro il movimento, però, esistono altri motivi più profondi, come la dittatura, lo sfruttamento, l’emarginazione e la disoccupazione, cioè il capitalismo e il suo stato.

Le régime marocain réprime durement le Rif en révolte. Vendredi 26 mai, les croyants de la mosquée d’Al-Hoceïma ont été surpris et offensés en entendant les sermons des chefs religieux.

Since last October, Al Hoceima and its neighboring regions have seen a big protest movement. The direct reason behind this has been the crushing of a young fish vendor (Mohsen Fikri) in a garbage container by local officials after protesting the confiscation of his goods. Behind the movement however there are other deeper reasons, such as dictatorship, exploitation, marginalization and unemployment: i.e Capitalism and its state.

The regime comes down hard on the rebellious Rif. The Moroccan spring rises again.

Last Friday, May 26th, the believers in the mosques in Al Hoceima were surprised and outraged when they heard the sermons of the religious leaders.

Over the weekend of the 21-23 of April, 1384 delegates from 24 unions gathered in Boksburg for the founding congress of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU). The launch of South Africa’s second biggest labour federation comes at a time of heightened political tensions and could be a decisive event for the labour movement.

Over the last few days the political crisis in the country has deepened. The ANC government is in turmoil after President Zuma’s midnight purge of his cabinet on Thursday. Leading members have openly come out against Zuma, bringing the factional battles which have been raging over the last period clearly into the open.

South Africa is in turmoil. President Jacob Zuma has effectively carried out an overnight soft coup. By purging the opposing big business faction from the cabinet and replacing it with stooges from his own faction he has brought the ANC infighting to a head. The consequences will be monumental, not just for the factions involved but for the class struggle in general.

At his annual State of the Nation Address (SONA), South Africa’s president  Zuma made a song and dance about embarking on a programme of “radical economic transformation”. At the time we explained that this was actually a ruse. What he was actually embarking upon was an attempt to promote the interests of the emerging parasitic black bourgeoisie around the Gupta family at the expense of the black working masses.

Over the last few weeks many people have been baffled by president Zuma’s apparent more “radical” speech-making. In particular the term “radical economic transformation” had many tongues wagging. What does it mean? And how is this different from current policy?